Your seat will be decided
in a few dozen booths. Know which ones.

No. Desk research leaves no footprint — there are no survey teams to be spotted, no callers ringing your workers, nobody visiting your constituency. We never name clients, and we take one client per constituency per election, so from the day you engage us we are also closed to your rivals. If discretion is the reason you have not hired help before, this is the model built for you.

Yes. Reports come in English, Hindi or your state's language — whichever your team actually reads. The Language Desk goes further and writes in the dialect your constituency speaks, because a leaflet in the wrong register costs more votes than no leaflet.

The Ticket Dossier exists for exactly that meeting. Selection committees respond to winnability, and winnability is an argument made with numbers — your booth arithmetic, the incumbent's real margins, your claim set against declared results. Whether the committee says yes is politics. Making sure the committee has to take your claim seriously is what the dossier is for.

Mandate is a new practice, so there is no client wall here, and we will not invent one. What you can check is the work itself: your first baseline is on approval — you read it before you pay — and every figure in it carries a source you can verify. Behind the practice is GladLoop, which has been building software and websites for organisations for four years.

No, and we intend to stay that way. We will work for candidates and organisations across the spectrum, subject to the refusals listed above. We take one client per constituency per election so nobody is ever paying us while we work for the person opposite them.

Because we are not selling the same thing. Their price is twenty salaries sitting in your constituency for eight months. We are a desk that reads published records, so the cost of one more constituency for us is research time, not another twenty people. That also tells you the honest limit of what we do: if your problem needs a thousand workers moved on polling day, we are the wrong firm and will say so.

Yes — it is how one desk reads three elections' worth of booth tables in a week and produces content in any language at a price you can actually pay. A person checks every figure against its source and every line of language before it reaches you. Anything synthetic that goes public is labelled and logged, as the ECI advisory of 24 October 2025 and the IT Amendment Rules in force since 20 February 2026 require — so nothing we make for you can be turned into a compliance story about your campaign.

No. We do not handle electoral rolls at all, in any form, for anybody. If a firm offers to sell you a voter database with phone numbers attached, that is the offer you should worry about most.

If you are a candidate and the work is done during the campaign period, yes — it is an election expense like any other service you buy, and we will give you a clean invoice for your return. For context, the current ceiling is ₹95 lakh for a Lok Sabha seat in the larger states and ₹40 lakh for an assembly seat, so a baseline is a small fraction of it. Work commissioned between elections is not election expenditure. We are not your lawyers and you should confirm this with whoever files your return.

Not during an election. Political advertising on television, radio, e-papers, bulk messaging and social media has to be pre-certified by the Commission's media committee before it runs, and that is a job for a team already inside your campaign. We will write the material and tell you what needs certifying; the placing is yours.

Yes, and that is a growing part of what we do. Associations, companies, hospitals, universities, unions and non-profits all deal with government and mostly do it without a research function. The public affairs desk is built for exactly that, it is invoiced normally with GST, and none of the election rules on this page apply to it.

For organisations, yes — research, consultation responses and policy work travel perfectly well. For foreign parties and candidates we are being deliberately careful, because the rules on political money crossing borders are strict in both directions and we would rather turn down the work than get that wrong.

It stays between us. We do not publish client work, we do not use your material as an example without written permission, and we do not keep personal data about anybody's voters because we never take any in the first place.