Constituency research · India

Constituency research,
written down and priced on the page.

Political consulting in India is sold by the month, by firms that put twenty people on a seat. At the rates that model requires, it was never going to reach a first-time candidate, a ward, or a member's office between elections. Mandate does the desk half of that work — the evidence, the record, the language — for a fixed fee you can read below.

We work only from published records. We do not hold electoral rolls, we do not put people on the ground, and we do not promise anybody an election result.

Specimen · Constituency Baseline, page 1 Where the seat was decided
Decisive74 booths
Contested46 booths
Held31 booths
Written off18 booths
An illustration of the format, not a real constituency. A baseline sorts every polling station in a seat by the margin it produced across the last three declared results, so a campaign can tell the difference between the booths it must hold and the booths that will decide the seat. Built from the Election Commission's own published result tables.
  • 4,123 + 543

    Assembly and Lok Sabha seats — the tier the established consultancies are built around.

    ECI seat counts

  • ~85,000

    Elected municipal councillors, contested by several times that many candidates each cycle.

    Urban local body records

  • 2,53,163

    Gram panchayats, plus 6,614 panchayat samitis and 630 zilla parishads.

    Ministry of Panchayati Raj

  • ₹1.5 lakh

    A month, for one assembly seat — an industry figure's own estimate of the going rate, not ours.

    Estimate by an I-PAC co-founder, quoted in ThePrint, 26 May 2026

What we do

Five things. Each one is a document or a desk.

Nothing here needs a war room or a cadre. Every one of these is work that can be done properly by researchers reading published records carefully, which is why we can sell it at a price the established firms cannot go near.

01 · Our flagship

The Constituency Baseline

One seat, read end to end from the public record. What the last three results actually say once you go below the headline: which polling stations moved, which ones never move, where the margin was manufactured, and how the arithmetic changes if turnout shifts. Plus the reserved-category position, the delimitation history if boundaries have been redrawn, and a plain reading of every rival's declared affidavit.

  • Booth-level result history, sorted by what it means rather than by ward number
  • Swing analysis and the turnout arithmetic that decides the seat
  • Every declared candidate's affidavit, read and summarised
  • Demographic and scheme context from Census, SECC and government dashboards
  • A written brief a candidate can hand to somebody, not a dashboard login

₹25,000 per seat · 7 working daysYour first one is on approval — see below

02

The Ticket Dossier

For the aspirant, before the list is announced. Parties run winnability surveys on you; almost nobody helps you make your own case. This is that case, in the form a selection committee actually reads — your claim on the seat set against the published record, the sitting member's numbers, the arithmetic of your community and booth base, and the honest version of where you are weak, because a committee will find it anyway.

  • Your winnability argument, built on declared results rather than assertion
  • The incumbent's record and margin history
  • A short annexure your proposers can carry into the meeting

₹40,000 · 10 working days

03

The Language Desk

Content in the language your constituency speaks, produced weekly instead of whenever somebody's nephew is free. Speech drafts, posts, letters, pamphlet copy, subtitles, radio scripts, replies to the local paper. We use AI to draft and translate and a person to check every line before it leaves, and anything synthetic is labelled the way the rules now require.

  • Any Indian language you need, including the dialect your seat actually uses
  • A weekly production schedule, not a burst before polling
  • Every synthetic asset labelled and logged, per the ECI advisory of 24 October 2025 and the IT Amendment Rules in force since 20 February 2026

From ₹35,000 a month

04

The Record

For sitting members and their offices, in the four and a half years when nobody is selling you anything. Every petition that comes through the door logged, tracked and answered; constituency funds tracked from sanction to completion; a monthly report your office can publish. At the end of the term you have a defensible answer to the only question that gets asked, instead of a drawer full of photographs.

  • Grievance intake, tracking and closure, with a written trail
  • Constituency development funds followed from sanction to completed work
  • A monthly work report, and a simple constituency website that publishes it

From ₹30,000 a month per office

05

Public Affairs

The same research, for organisations rather than candidates. Industry associations, companies, unions, hospitals, universities and non-profits all have to talk to government, and most of them do it with a letter written the night before. We write consultation responses, track the bills and rules that matter to you, map which committee and which department actually decides the thing, and put a position paper together that reads like it came from people who read the draft.

  • Consultation and pre-legislative responses
  • Policy and regulatory monitoring, with a short brief instead of a link dump
  • Position papers, briefing notes and constituency maps for issue campaigns

From ₹60,000 a monthInvoiced with GST, for organisations

Where it comes from

Everything we produce is traceable to a published document.

This is the part of the work that most of the industry does not want to talk about, so we will. Our research is built from records anyone can go and check, and every figure we give you carries the source it came from. If you cannot check it, we do not print it.

Declared results

The Election Commission's own constituency and polling-station result tables, for every election we cover.

Candidate affidavits

The sworn declarations every candidate files, as published by the Commission and mirrored by ADR.

Boundaries

Delimitation orders and ward schedules, so a comparison across redrawn boundaries is honest rather than convenient.

Population and welfare

Census and SECC aggregates, and the government's own scheme dashboards.

The legislative record

Assembly and Parliament proceedings, questions, committee reports, and published fund-utilisation disclosures.

What we never use

Electoral rolls, purchased voter databases, Aadhaar-linked records, or anything about an identifiable voter.

Before you ask

The work we refuse.

Published in full, because in this industry the things a firm will not do tell you more than the things it will. These are not negotiable at any fee, and we would rather lose the enquiry here than halfway through the work.

Voter data

We do not buy, scrape, hold or process electoral rolls, voter databases or anything Aadhaar-linked. The Supreme Court declined to put the rolls into machine-readable circulation in Kamal Nath (2018), a vendor has already been investigated over exactly this, and we have no wish to be the next one.

Deception

No unlabelled synthetic media. No cloned voice or face of a real person without that person's written consent. No fake accounts, no bought engagement, no undisclosed paid coverage dressed as news.

Appeals to caste or religion

We will not write material that appeals to caste, community, religion or language, or that sets one group against another. This is a corrupt practice under the Representation of the People Act, and we think it is worse than that.

Exit polls

We do not conduct or publish exit polls. Doing so during the blackout window is a criminal offence carrying up to two years under section 126A, and the line is not worth standing near.

Anything that touches a voter's pocket

No cash, no goods, no liquor, no arrangements that end in an inducement. We also will not help structure spending so it stays off an expenditure return.

And one promise we will not make

We will never tell you we can win you a seat. Firms with five hundred people on the ground lost three state elections this year. What we sell is better information and a better record, which is a real advantage and a smaller claim.

How it runs

Four steps, and you can stop after the first.

Step 01

Name the seat

Tell us the constituency, ward or panchayat and what you are trying to decide. A short email is enough. We will say plainly if we think you do not need us.

Step 02

We read the record

A week of desk work on published sources. No calls to your workers, no survey teams, nobody appearing in your constituency asking questions on your behalf.

Step 03

You read it and decide

The baseline arrives as a written document with sources against every figure. On the first one, if it tells you nothing you did not already know, say so and pay nothing.

Step 04

Then a desk, if you want one

Language, record-keeping or public affairs continue month to month, paid in advance, cancellable with thirty days' notice. No annual lock-in and no exit fee.

Who this is for

Mostly people the industry does not return calls to.

First-time and independent candidates

Contesting an assembly or municipal seat without a party research cell behind you.

Ticket aspirants

Trying to convince a selection committee, usually with nothing in hand but a claim about local support.

Councillors and panchayat members

Over three million elected representatives sit at this level, and almost nothing is sold to any of them.

Sitting MLAs, MPs and their offices

Who need the grievance queue handled and the five-year record built while there is still time to build it.

Smaller and state parties

With real candidates and no capacity to run a data cell, including parties that have just been priced out of their old consultancy.

Organisations, not candidates

Associations, companies, unions and non-profits that have to make a case to government and want it argued from evidence.

Money

How the money works, in five lines.

The prices above are the prices. We publish them because almost nobody in this industry does, and because a candidate who cannot get a quote cannot buy anything.

Everything after

Paid in advance

100% before work starts

  • Documents are paid in full before we begin
  • Monthly desks are billed at the start of each month
  • Thirty days' notice to stop, and no exit fee
  • No success fee, ever — it would give us a reason to tell you what you want to hear
Talk to us

On the record

Properly invoiced

GST where it applies

  • Every rupee is invoiced by bank transfer. We do not take cash
  • Fees to a candidate during a campaign are declarable election expenditure, and we will give you the paperwork for it
  • Work done outside an election period is not election expenditure at all
  • One client per constituency per election
Read the detail
Why we will not take cash, in a market that runs on it.

Because the moment a firm is holding unexplained money it stops being a research practice and becomes somebody's problem. Two of the better-known consultancies in this country had their offices searched inside a fortnight of each other this January. We would rather be boring.

Questions

The ones people actually ask.

Who have you worked for?

Nobody, politically. Mandate is a new practice and this is the first month it exists, so there is no client list and we are not going to invent one. What we do have is the parent firm's four years of building software and websites for organisations, and a method you can check line by line on the first document we send you. That is why the first baseline is on approval — it is the only honest way for a new practice to ask for a hearing.

Are you aligned with a party?

No, and we intend to stay that way. We will work for candidates and organisations across the spectrum, subject to the refusals listed above. We take one client per constituency per election so nobody is ever paying us while we work for the person opposite them.

How can you charge a fraction of what the consultancies charge?

Because we are not selling the same thing. Their price is twenty salaries sitting in your constituency for eight months. We are a desk that reads published records, so the cost of one more constituency for us is research time, not another twenty people. That also tells you the honest limit of what we do: if your problem needs a thousand workers moved on polling day, we are the wrong firm and will say so.

Do you use AI?

Yes, heavily, and we would rather say so than pretend otherwise. It reads and cross-checks large volumes of published record far faster than a person can, and it drafts and translates. A person checks every figure against its source and every line of language before anything leaves us. Anything synthetic that goes out in public is labelled and logged, which the ECI advisory of 24 October 2025 and the IT Amendment Rules in force since 20 February 2026 now require in any case.

Can you get me the voter list for my ward?

No. We do not handle electoral rolls at all, in any form, for anybody. If a firm offers to sell you a voter database with phone numbers attached, that is the offer you should worry about most.

Will this count against my expenditure limit?

If you are a candidate and the work is done during the campaign period, yes — it is an election expense like any other service you buy, and we will give you a clean invoice for your return. For context, the current ceiling is ₹95 lakh for a Lok Sabha seat in the larger states and ₹40 lakh for an assembly seat, so a baseline is a small fraction of it. Work commissioned between elections is not election expenditure. We are not your lawyers and you should confirm this with whoever files your return.

Do you place advertising?

Not during an election. Political advertising on television, radio, e-papers, bulk messaging and social media has to be pre-certified by the Commission's media committee before it runs, and that is a job for a team already inside your campaign. We will write the material and tell you what needs certifying; the placing is yours.

We are not a candidate. Can you still help?

Yes, and that is a growing part of what we do. Associations, companies, hospitals, universities, unions and non-profits all deal with government and mostly do it without a research function. The public affairs desk is built for exactly that, it is invoiced normally with GST, and none of the election rules on this page apply to it.

Do you work outside India?

For organisations, yes — research, consultation responses and policy work travel perfectly well. For foreign parties and candidates we are being deliberately careful, because the rules on political money crossing borders are strict in both directions and we would rather turn down the work than get that wrong.

What happens to what we send you?

It stays between us. We do not publish client work, we do not use your material as an example without written permission, and we do not keep personal data about anybody's voters because we never take any in the first place.

Start here

Name a seat and we will read it.

Tell us the constituency, ward or panchayat, and what decision is in front of you. You will hear back within one business day, from a person, with either a plain yes and a date or an honest reason we are not the right firm.

  • First baseline is on approval — read it before you pay for it
  • No survey team, no callers, nobody appearing in your constituency
  • One client per constituency per election, so ask early
  • Organisations welcome, and the election rules above do not apply to you

Or write to hello@gladloop.com, or book a 30-minute call.